Tax declarations show PN MPs financially better off in opposition

New income figures obtained and analysed by The Shift from 2024 income tax declarations show that a majority of Opposition MPs are financially better off remaining where they are rather than moving into government, as the job would entail a significant pay cut.

An example is MP Mario de Marco, a long-standing figure within the PN and a lawyer by profession. De Marco declared earnings of nearly €400,000 in 2024, close to seven times the salary of a minister, currently set at around €62,000.bHis is not an isolated case.

Several Opposition MPs, all part-time politicians maintaining full-time professional careers, reported six-figure incomes in 2024.

Scroll left on right on table for more information.

Among them are accountant and businessman Graham Bencini, criminal lawyer Joe Giglio, podiatrist Ian Vassallo, lawyer Beppe Fenech Adami, engineer Ryan Callus and Albert Buttigieg.

The data paints a stark picture: more than half of PN MPs in Opposition are earning significantly more than the ministers and parliamentary secretaries tasked with running the country.

On average, the median income declared by PN MPs stood at €77,000 in 2024, comfortably above that of the prime minister, whose official declared earnings hover around €65,000.

Even within the Opposition’s own ranks, disparities are evident.

PN leader Alex Borg is among the least financially resourced MPs, declaring around €45,000, including his parliamentary honorarium.

At the lower end, MPs Bernice Bonello and Eve Borg Bonello reported the lowest incomes, both having entered parliament through the gender corrective mechanism. They declared that they had no job except their parliamentary party-time position.

Y,et the broader trend is unmistakable. Opposition MPs, free from executive responsibility and able to maintain private careers, are, on paper, more financially secure than those entrusted with ministerial decision-making.

The issue of increasing payments to politicians, particularly those entrusted with running the country, has been ongoing for decades without resolution.

A limited exercise undertaken by the PN administration to ensure that members of Cabinet would also receive their parliamentary honorarium ultimately backfired. The Labour Party in opposition cried foul, turning the issue into a political storm. The manner in which the PN introduced these changes also attracted significant criticism.

Despite repeated promises of a comprehensive overhaul of Malta’s political system and meaningful constitutional reform, no substantial action has been taken. As a result, the system remains entrenched in outdated practices.

The issue is not confined to the Opposition. Parallel data published by The Shift on government MPs reveal a similar and equally troubling pattern within the governing Labour Party ranks.

Backbenchers and part-time MPs often out-earn ministers, including the Prime Minister.

In a labour market where senior executives in the private sector can command salaries exceeding €100,000, Malta’s political remuneration framework appears increasingly detached from economic reality, and the consequences are already visible.

As salaries across the private and public sectors rise, politics becomes a less attractive path for individuals without independent wealth or substantial external income streams. This, in turn, raises concerns about the quality and independence of political candidates, as well as the potential for conflicts of interest.